Showing posts with label Narendra Modi. Show all posts

People stand on a damaged bridge on the Tawi River at Mandal village outside Jammu Kashmir

People stand on a damaged bridge on the Tawi River at Mandal village outside Jammu Kashmir

Can Nawaz Sharif Lahore Metro Train Project Change Pakistan?



Can Nawaz Sharif  Lahore Metro Train Project Change Pakistan?
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Narendra Modi charge sheet against Pakistan



Narendra Modi charge sheet against Pakistan
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Pakistan and India Relations After Narendra Modi


 Pakistan and India Relations After Narendra Modi

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وزیراعظم بھارت نہ جائیں! ........

The BJP’s victory in India Elections


The recent landslide victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), with new Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the helm, is a big test for the world’s largest democracy India. After the miserable performance of the Indian National Congress (INC), people’s expectations are very high.

Sixty percent of the country’s population is dependent on agriculture and poverty is increasing in rural areas, with unemployment also on the up. With its weakening economy, India’s relations with neighboring countries such as China and Pakistan and the rights of minorities will be a big challenge for the new government.

Thousands of Muslims lost their lives in the Gujarat riots when Modi was prime minster of Gujarat. Although Modi always distances himself from a former hard stance on minorities and the killings in Gujarat, years ago the US and the UK denied visas to Modi.

Several key figures in Modi’s government were involved in the Gujarat riots and some of them were recently punished by the judiciary. Minorities are also worried about the hard stance of Modi’s government on Bengali migrants.

Khawaja Umer Farooq

Jeddah
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بھارتی الیکشن کے بعد .......

امن کی آشا والے متوالے دانشور اور کاروبار کی آشا والے بے تاب حکمران شاید میری بات پسند نہ کریں (مگر اس سے فرق بھی کیا پڑتا ہے) کہ برصغیر پاک و ہند صرف نصف صدی کا جداگانہ راستہ طے کرنے کے بعد ایک بار پھر اسی پرانی دنیا کے خطرناک حالات میں لوٹ آنے پر مجبور ہو گئے ہیں جس کو مسترد کر کے انھوں نے الگ الگ دنیائیں بسا لی تھیں۔ بھارت کے الیکشن نے اس صورت حال کو یکسر بدلا ہے۔ یہ الیکشن ہندو مسلم دو قوموں کے درمیان الیکشن بن گئے۔

ایک مسلمان جو بھارت میں موجود ہیں دوسرے ہندو جو بھارت کو صرف ہندو ملک ہی سمجھتے ہیں۔ ان فیصلہ کن انتخابات کے نتائج رفتہ رفتہ برآمد ہوں گے اور جس قدر عجلت کے ساتھ ہم نے بھارت کو مبارکباد دی ہے اس سے کچھ اندیشے پیدا ہوئے ہیں۔ اگر پاکستان موجود نہ ہوتا تو ہم حالات کی سنگینی کا تصور بھی نہیں کرسکتے تھے۔ پورے بھارت میں مسلمانوں کا وہی حال ہوتا جو وزیر اعظم مودی کی وزارت اعلیٰ میں گجرات کے مسلمانوں کا ہوا تھا یعنی قتل عام اور پاکستان میں موجود مسلمان بھارتی دھمکیوں کی زد میں ہوتے۔

ہمارے بزرگ رہنمائوں کو القاء ہوا تھا کہ انھوں نے برصغیر کے مسلمانوں کے تحفظ کے لیے ایک الگ ملک بنا لیا اور یہ القاء یا الہام تھا کہ مسلمانوں نے اپنے تحفظ کے لیے ایٹم بم بنا لیا تھا اور دنیا کی ایک زبردست فوج تیار کر لی تھی جس پر بھارتی الیکشن کے ساتھ ہی حملے شروع کر دیئے گئے۔ ہماری فوج کے بازوئے شمشیر زن کو رسوا کرنے کی بھر پور کوشش کی گئی۔ وہ تو ہم پاکستانیوں نے تمام کوشش رد کر دی ورنہ ہمارے دشمنوں کے آلہ کار نے تو کوئی کسر نہیں چھوڑی تھی۔

بھارت پاکستان کے مقابلے میں ایک بہت بڑا ملک ہے۔ رقبے اور آبادی دونوں لحاظ سے۔ خبریں بتاتی ہیں کہ اس نے اسلحہ کے انبار جمع کر رکھے ہیں اور اسلحہ کا دنیا کا سب سے بڑا خریدار ہے۔ بظاہر اس کے دشمن ہیں ایک عوامی جمہوریہ چین دوسرا اسلامی جمہوریہ پاکستان۔ بھارت کے اسلحہ کے یہ ذخیرے چین کے لیے بے معنی ہیں۔ قطع نظر پرانی دیوار چین کے جو اب صرف تاریخی عجوبہ بن کر رہ گئی ہے چین کو تو یہاں ہمالیہ کی صورت میں ایک اور حفاظتی دیوار بھی میسر ہے جو اس کو بھارت جیسے دشمنوں سے بچاتی ہے۔


ویسے بدنیت ہندوستان نے چین کے ساتھ کئی بار چھیڑ چھاڑ کرنے کی کوشش کی لیکن ہر بارے اسے منہ کی کھانی پڑی جس کے نتیجے میں اسے اپنی فوج میں کئی تبدیلیاں اور نئی فوج کھڑی کرنی پڑی مگر بھارت کی شکست کے باوجود چینی اس سے غافل نہیں ہیں کیونکہ بھارت کے ہندو پر اعتماد نہیں کیا جا سکتا۔ صرف اپنی طاقت اور مزاحمتی استعداد پر اعتماد کیا جا سکتا ہے۔ ان لاکھوں جھونپڑیوں سے قطع نظر کرکے جو بھارت کی عام آبادی خصوصاً بڑے شہروں میں موجود ہیں اور مہان بھارت کا منہ چڑاتی ہیں بھارت بنیادی طور پر ایک کمزور ملک ہے۔ بقول اندرا کے ہزار سالہ مسلمانوں کی غلامی کی وجہ سے بھارتیوں کے دلوں میں ابھی تک مسلمانوں کا خوف نہیں گیا۔

بھارتی مسلمانوں کو ابھی تک اپنے سے زیادہ طاقت ور سمجھتے ہیں جن کو ختم کرنے کی وہ مسلسل کوشش میں رہتے ہیں۔ فلموں تک میں وہ اپنے ہیرو کو بے پناہ طاقت کا حامل بناتے ہیں اور مسلمانوں کے خلاف ان کی مستقل جارحیت کی اصل وجہ مسلمانوں کا خوف ہے۔ میں یہاں تاجر اور دانشور پاکستانیوں کا ذکر نہیں کرتا جس کے لیے میں کسی الگ مضمون میں ذکر کروں گا جو محض روپے پیسے کے لیے بھارت کو پسند کرتے ہیں۔ ان صاحب ایمان اور سچے پاکستانیوں کا ذکر کرتا ہوں جن کی زندگیاں جہاد سے عبارت ہیں اور یہ جہاد محض میدان جنگ میں ہی نہیں ہوتا پوری زندگی کے ہر شعبے میں ایک مسلمان جہاد کے جذبے سے شریک رہتا ہے۔

علم حاصل کرنا بھی جہاد میں شمار کیا گیا ہے۔ برطانوی دور کے ایسے لاتعداد واقعات ملتے ہیں جب جہاد کو ختم کرنے کی کوشش کی گئی۔ آج بھی دنیا بھر میں مسلمانوں کو جہادی سمجھا جاتا ہے جس کا مطلب ہے کہ وہ اپنے مقاصد کے لیے جان تک دے سکتے ہیں۔ یہ تاریخ کی ایک الگ بحث ہے کہ افغانستان میں روسی افواج کو اسی جہاد کے جذبے نے رسوا کیا تھا جس کو کسی گولی سے ختم نہیں کیا جا سکتا اور نہ ہی کوئی ایسا بارود ایجاد ہوا ہے جو کسی جہادی کے ایمان کو شکست دے سکے۔ امریکی کہتے ہیں کہ پاکستانی چالیس پچاس سال کی عمر کے بعد بدل جاتا ہے اور کچھ بھی کر سکتا ہے۔

مقصد یہ بیان کرنا ہے کہ اب ایک بار پھر ہماری زندگی میں تحریک پاکستان جنم لے رہی ہے اور تحریک کا یہ دور ویسے ہی حالات کا تقاضا ہے جو قیام پاکستان سے پہلے موجود تھے اور جس کی شدت نے ایک تحریک پیدا کی تھی جو کامیابی سے ہمکنار ہوئی۔ لیکن کیا آج ہمارے پاس وہ قائدین موجود ہیں جو تحریک پاکستان کے روح رواں اور رہنما تھے۔ مجھے تو اپنی آج کی دنیا بدلی ہوئی دکھائی دیتی ہے اور خوفزدہ ہوں کہ ہم کسی آزمائش کے اہل نہیں رہے۔ بھارتیوں کے دل کمزور ہوں یا طاقت ور انھوں نے اپنی کمزوریوں پر قابو پانے کے لیے اسلحہ کے انبار لگا رکھے ہیں اور اسے ہی وہ اپنی طاقت سمجھ رہے ہیں اور وہ غلط نہیں ہیں لیکن سوال یہ ہے کہ ان کے مقابلے کے لیے ہمارے پاس کیا ہے۔

آج کی جنگوں میں اسلحہ بڑا اہم سمجھا جاتا ہے لیکن میری معلومات کے مطابق ہمارے پاس بھارت جتنا اسلحہ نہیں لیکن ہماری ضرورت سے کم بھی نہیں ہے۔ بھارت کو خوب پتہ ہے کہ ہمارے پاس کیا ہے اور کیا نہیں ہے۔ ہماری کمزوری صرف بھارت میں مقیم مسلمان ہیں جن کا تحفظ ہمارے ذمہ ہے لیکن یہ بدلے ہوئے حالات سے بھارتی مسلمان بھی اپنی پالیسی بدل رہے ہیں اور اب یہ پاکستان کا فرض ہے کہ بھارتی مسلمانوں کو تحفظ کا راستہ دکھلائے لیکن مودی صاحب سمجھ لیں کہ اب گجرات گجرات نہیں بنے گا۔ کیا ہمارے حکمران بھارتی مسلمانوں کے تحفظ کے لیے تیار ہیں۔

عبدالقادر حسن

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Muslims and Modi


The results of the Indian elections will be announced by Friday afternoon Gulf time. These results will be of great importance to the future of India. Never has an Indian election been so controversial and seen such venom hurled by candidates against each other.

For Muslims and all secular Indians, this election will be a watershed. On one hand, you have the old guard — Congress and some of their allies — and on the other, you have a new leader, Narendra Modi, whose meteoric rise is alarming to those who do not want the secular fabric of Indian society to be torn apart.

Modi is perceived as demonic. He is accused as chief minister of Gujarat of presiding over a pogrom in which thousands of innocent people were killed. His state police also joined the fray and took part in the massacre.


Charges against Modi and his complicity in the tragedy continue to surface in the media. 

In 2005, the US government denied Modi an entry visa under the terms of a 1998 US law which bars entry to foreigners who have committed “particularly severe violations of religious freedom.” 

Modi in his cunning way has attempted to absolve and distance himself from this heinous act. He abandoned his own cabinet minister and confidante Maya Kodnani who is now serving a life sentence for her role in leading a mob of 1,000 that hacked to death 97 innocent Muslims.

The Indian media and judiciary should be credited for ignoring threats and pressure from the BJP and exposing the real facts behind this genocide in Gujarat.

The issue here is that of a man who was chief minister of a state when 3,000 people were murdered. Modi did not even for public relations purposes express remorse or regret.

Compare this to the recent resignation of the South Korean prime minister who left office because a ferry capsized. Compare Modi to Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian leader who is openly adopting Gandhian principles of nonviolence to confront a repressive Israeli regime that has flouted all norms of civilized behavior aided by a helpless US administration made impotent because of a Zionist-controlled Congress.

Many Indians today are asking why this “chai walla” or “tea vendor” has been brought to the forefront after stalwarts like L.K. Advani, Jaswant Singh and A.B. Vajpayee.

India is a great country with many capable people. Its diversity can be a source of strength and progress. It is passing through a critical period and its many challenges include illiteracy, hunger, disease, poverty, corruption and communalism. 

India needs a leader who will inspire and not conspire. It needs a leader who will heal not wound. It needs a leader for all communities, faiths, ethnic groups and castes.

To Indian Muslims who are mortified at the thought of Modi as prime minister, I say, be like Moses and his followers - stand up to the modern day Pharaoh. 

Unfortunately, Indian Muslims have become insular and rigid. Their self-appointed leaders, the mullahs and others, have not served them well. For them education is the key to societal advancement. They should make use of the Indian system which by and large allows for self-expression, accomplishment and advancement. They should shun extremism and ignorant and obstructionist clerics. Indian Muslims are also important stakeholders in their country. They should not pay heed to accusations by extremist Hindutva nationalists. Indian secularism and liberalism are the ingredients for the nation’s future well-being. Everyone should have the opportunity to use the system. 

The majority of Indians are focusing on the larger picture: A progressive India that can play a prominent role in global affairs. It has a lot to offer.

The Muslims of India should get on the India Train. They cannot get on board by wallowing in self-pity and groveling in mortification. 

If Modi assumes power, so what? He is clever enough not to allow a large segment of society to resort to violence in order to achieve justice. The stakes are high. He will have to negotiate, compromise and deal with all. India is not Gujarat. Modi will not want to go down in history as the man who tore India apart by his rejection of Gandhian principles. Indians will never forgive him for that.


— The writer is Editor-at-Large. He can be reached at kalmaeena@saudigazette.com.sa and followed on Twitter: @KhaledAlmaeena

Indian general election, 2014 Results



Indian general election, 2014 Results
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Narendra Modi

Narendra Damodardas Modi  born 17 September 1950) is an Indian politician and is the 14th Chief Minister of the state of Gujarat. He is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and is the prime ministerial candidate of the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance for the upcoming 2014 Indian general elections.
Modi was a key strategist for the BJP in the successful 1995 and 1998 Gujarat state election campaigns, and was a major campaign figure in the 2009 general elections, eventually won by the Indian National Congress-led UPA.[2][2] He first became chief minister of Gujarat in October 2001 after the resignation of his predecessor, Keshubhai Patel, and following the defeat of BJP in the by-elections. In July 2007, he became the longest-serving Chief Minister in Gujarat's history, at which point he had been in power for 2,063 days continuously. He is currently serving his fourth consecutive term as Chief Minister.
Modi is a member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and is described as a Hindu nationalist by media, scholars and himself.[3][4][5][6] He is a controversial figure both within India and internationally.[7][8][9][10] His administration has been criticised for the incidents surrounding the 2002 Gujarat violence.[10][11] He has been praised for his economic policies, which are credited with creating an environment for a high rate of economic growth in Gujarat.[12] However, his administration has also been criticised for failing to make a significant positive impact upon the human development of the state.[13]

Early life and education

Modi was born on 17 September 1950[14] to a family of grocers in Vadnagar in Mehsana district of what was then Bombay State (present-day Gujarat), India.[15] He was the third of six children born to Damodardas Mulchand Modi and his wife, Heeraben.[16][17] As a child, he helped his father sell tea at the Vadnagar railway station and on trains.[18] As a teenager, Modi ran a tea stall with his brother near a bus terminus.[19] He completed his schooling in Vadnagar, where a teacher described him as being an average student, but a keen debater.[17] When he was a child, he was involved in theatre and he later incorporated his theatre experiences to sell politics and to stand out from crowd while giving speeches.[20] Modi was a fan of Rajesh Khanna, and Modi's style of wearing half-sleeved knee-length kurtas and delivering speeches is inspired by the actor.[21]
As a child, his parents had arranged him a marriage in keeping with the traditions of the Ghanchi caste in Vadnagar. Modi was engaged to Jashodaben Chimanlal, from the neighboring town of Brahamanwada at the age of 17.[22] At the pretext of a higher calling, Joshodaben claims she was deserted and never given the privileges of a wife.[23] Narendra Modi admitted under oath that Jashodaben is his wife when he submitted nomination papers for the Vadodara constituency in April for 2014 Loksabha elections.[24] The couple's marriage was not consummated.[25][26][27] However, in February 2014, in Himachal Pradesh, Narendra Modi had said that his single status makes him the best person to fight corruption.[28][29]
He began work in the staff canteen of Gujarat State Road Transport Corporation, where he worked until he became a full–time pracharak (campaigner) of the RSS in 1970.[17][30][31] After Modi had received some RSS training in Nagpur, which was a prerequisite for taking up an official position in the Sangh Parivar, he was given charge of Sangh's student wing, Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), in Gujarat. Modi organised agitations and covert distribution of Sangh's pamphlets during the Emergency.[17] During his years in the RSS, Modi came in touch with Vasant Gajendragadkar and Nathalal Jaghda, leaders of the Jan Sangh, who later founded the BJP's Gujarat state unit.[31] Modi remained a pracharak in the RSS while he completed his Master's degree in political science from Gujarat University.[32]

Early political career

The RSS assigned Modi to the BJP in 1985.[31][33] While Shankarsingh Vaghela and Keshubhai Patel were the established names in the Gujarat BJP at that time, Modi rose to prominence after organising Murli Manohar Joshi's Ekta yatra (journey for unity).[17] In 1988, Modi was elected as General secretary of BJP's Gujarat unit,[30] and his electoral strategy was central to BJP's victory in the 1995 state elections.[31][33][34]
In November 1995, Modi was elected as the National Secretary of BJP.[35] In May 1998, Modi was elevated to the post of the General Secretary of the BJP and was transferred to New Delhi where he was assigned responsibility for the party's activities in Haryana and Himachal Pradesh.[33] After Vaghela, who had threatened to break away from BJP in 1995, defected from the BJP after he lost the 1996 Lok Sabha elections, Modi was promoted to the post of National Secretary of the BJP in 1998.[17] While selecting candidates for the 1998 state elections in Gujarat, Modi favored people who were loyal to Patel over those loyal to Vaghela, helping to put an end to the factional divisions within the party. His strategies were credited as being key to winning the 1998 elections.[33]

Chief Minister of Gujarat

In 2001, Keshubhai Patel health was failing, and the BJP had lost seats in the by-elections. Allegations of abuse of power, corruption and poor administration were being made, and Patel's standing had been damaged by his administration's handling of the Bhuj Earthquake of 2001.[33][36][37] As a result, BJP's national leadership sought a new candidate for the office of chief minister, and Modi, who had aired his misgivings about Patel's administration, was chosen as a replacement.[17] L. K. Advani, a senior leader of the BJP, however, did not want to ostracise Patel and was worried about Modi's lack of experience in governance. However, Modi declined an offer to be Patel's deputy chief minister, informing Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee that he was "going to be fully responsible for Gujarat or not at all", and on 7 October 2001, Modi was appointed the Chief Minister of Gujarat, with the responsibility of preparing the BJP for elections in December 2002. As Chief Minister, Modi's ideas of governance revolved around privatisation and small government, which stood at odds with what Aditi Phadnis has described as the "anti-privatisation, anti-globalisation position" of the RSS.[36]

First term (2001-2002)

2002 Gujarat violence

On 27 February 2002, a train with several hundred passengers including large numbers of Hindu pilgrims was burned near Godhra, killing around 60 people.[a] Following rumors that the fire was carried out by Muslim arsonists, anti-Muslim violence spread throughout Gujarat.[40] Estimates of the death toll ranged from 900 to over 2,000, while several thousand more people were injured.[41][42] The Modi government imposed a curfew in major cities, issued shoot-at-sight orders, and called for the army to prevent the violence from escalating.[43][44] However, human rights organizations, opposition parties, and sections of the media all accused Gujarat's government of taking insufficient action against the violence, and even condoning it in some cases.[43][44][45] In April 2009, the Supreme Court of India appointed a Special Investigation Team (SIT) to inquire into the Gujarat government and Narendra Modi's role in the incidents of communal violence.[45] The SIT reported to the court in December 2010 submitting that they did not find any incriminating evidence against Modi of willfully allowing communal violence in the state.[46] Modi's decision to move the corpses of the kar sevaks who had been burned to death in Godhra to Ahmedabad had been criticized for inflaming the violence.[47][48]
Despite the SIT report, Modi's involvement in the events of 2002 has continued to be debated. Though the SIT absolved Modi in April 2012 of any involvement in the Gulbarg Society massacre, one of the many riots that occurred in 2002,[49][50] the Supreme Court-appointed amicus curiae, Raju Ramachandran, observed on 7 May 2012 that Modi could be prosecuted for promoting enmity among different groups during the 2002 Gujarat violence. His main contention was that the evidence should be examined by a court of law because the SIT was required to investigate but not to judge.[51] The amicus report was criticised by the Special Investigation Team for relying heavily on the testimony of Sanjiv Bhatt, who they said had fabricated the documents used report.[52] In July 2013, victim Zakia Jafri alleged that the SIT was suppressing evidence.[53]

2002 election

In the aftermath of the violence, calls for Modi to resign from his position as chief minister of Gujarat came from both inside and outside the state. The opposition parties stalled the national parliament over the issue. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), allies of the BJP, asked for Modi's resignation, as did Jayalalithaa, the then-Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu and leader of the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK).[54][55] As a result, Modi submitted his resignation and the state Assembly was dissolved.[56] In the subsequent elections the BJP, led by Modi, won 127 seats in the 182-member assembly.[57]

Second term (2002–2007)

Despite using anti-Muslim rhetoric during the campaign,[58][59][60] Modi's emphasis shifted during his second term from Hindutva to the economic development of Gujarat.[36] Modi's decisions curtailed the influence of organizations of the Sangh Parivar such as the Bharatiya Kisan Sangh (BKS) and the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP),[61] which had become entrenched in Gujarat after the decline of Ahmedabad's textile industry.[36] Modi dropped Gordhan Zadaphia, an ally of his former Sangh co–worker and VHP state chief Praveen Togadia, from the cabinet ministry. When the BKS launched a farmers' agitation, Modi ordered their eviction from houses provided by the state government.[61] Modi's decision to demolish 200 illegal temples in Gandhinagar deepened the rift with VHP.[61][62] Various organisations of the Sangh were no longer consulted nor informed of Modi's administrative decisions prior to their enactment.[61]
The changes brought by Modi in the period 2002–2007 has led to Gujarat being called an attractive investment destination. Aditi Phadnis, author of Political Profiles of Cabals & Kings and columnist in the Business Standard, writes that "there was sufficient anecdotal evidence pointing to the fact that corruption had gone down significantly in the state... if there was to be any corruption, Modi had to know about it".[36] Modi started financial and technology parks in the state. During the 2007 Vibrant Gujarat summit, real estate investment deals worth INR6.6 trillion were signed in Gujarat.[36]
Despite his focus on economic issues during the second term, Modi continued to be criticised for his relationship with Muslims. Atal Bihari Vajpayee, then Prime Minister of India, who had asked Modi not to discriminate between citizens in the aftermath of the 2002 Gujarat violence and had pushed for his resignation as Chief Minister of Gujarat,[63][64] distanced himself from Modi and reached out to North Indian Muslims before the 2004 elections to the Lok Sabha. After the elections, Vajpayee held the violence in Gujarat as one of the reasons for BJP's electoral defeat and acknowledged that not removing Modi immediately after the Gujarat violence was a mistake.[65][66]

Terrorism and elections in 2007–2008

In the lead up to assembly and general elections in 2007–2008, the BJP stepped up its rhetoric on terrorism.[67] On 18 July 2006, Modi criticised the Indian Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, "... for his reluctance to revive anti-terror legislations" such as the Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act. He asked the national government to allow states to invoke tougher laws in the wake of the 2006 blasts in Mumbai.[68] Around this time Modi frequently demanded the execution of Afzal Guru,[69] a collaborator of the Pakistani jihadists who had been convicted of terrorism for his involvement in the 2001 Indian Parliament attack.[70][b] As a consequence of the November 2008 Mumbai attacks, Modi held a meeting to discuss security of Gujarat's 1,600 km (990 mi) long coastline which resulted in the central government authorization of 30 high–speed surveillance boats.[71]
In July 2007, Modi completed 2,063 consecutive days as chief minister of Gujarat in July 2007, making him the longest-serving holder of that post.[72] The BJP won 122 of the 182 seats in the state assembly in the 2007 election, and Modi continued as chief minister.[73]
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